Ashcroft said:
[quote="Ashcroft Burnham":1yz9hz3a]Gwyn, as I pointed out in response to Aliasi, it is rather confusing to call it a "court", beucase, while some of the SC's functions are judicial, others are quasi-legislative, and others are administrative.[/quote:1yz9hz3a]
I read Aliasi's post after I posted mine. I agree, it might be better to call it a "Constitutional Council", although, in my eyes, it functions as a Court, although its scope is not Common Jurisdiction laws, but constitutional deliberations.
The issue of the veto as an additional power of a court is not something so terrible; as a matter of fact, some RL legislatures give their Constitutional Courts the right to veto laws (others simply rephrase the word "veto" and imply that "all laws have to be signed and approved by the Constitutional Court").
"Vetoing a law" is not, in my mind, a "quasi-legislative" aspect of any entity, and neither is "impeachment". The Executive also has a veto on laws; but it is not a legislative (nor a quasi-legislative) body, just an executive one. These are ancillary functions (even if powerful ones!) but not the major powers of that branch. Nor are they the reason the branch exists in the first place.
Administrative tasks, similarly, can be placed under any branch's supervision. I remember having argued in the past for a common civil service, under the supervision of a single branch (at that time, the Guild — now, the executive). However, all branches have now their own civil servants to handle administrative tasks. I don't see these as being "powers of a branch", but rather delegation of work to specialised and skilled labourers who can do these more efficiently than the appointed/elected officers.
Finally, it is the very notion of having the rules of procedure being more strict, and imposed and validated by external bodies, that totally disrupts the whole [i:1yz9hz3a]concept[/i:1yz9hz3a] of the Philosophical Branch. The procedures of the SC were sadly lost (or buried) in the old forums. It has a procedure for meeting, for announcing an agenda, for establishing what items are on that agenda, on how to reach decisions, on when there is a quorum, and, vaguely hinted on the Constitution, how to deal with unruly members. All this is what suffices for a body of government that had as a major function to [i:1yz9hz3a]think[/i:1yz9hz3a] about the implications of running a democratic society.
Although I naturally agree that the procedures for establishing courts were lacking — they were hardly less than a few paragraphs (I might concede that they were long paragraphs
) in length. They existed and were enough for the purpose. We have now much better and more detailed procedures — which is great.
But the whole [i:1yz9hz3a]focus[/i:1yz9hz3a] of the Philosophical Branch has shifted, and [i:1yz9hz3a]I[/i:1yz9hz3a] fail to understand why [i:1yz9hz3a]you[/i:1yz9hz3a] can't understand it. In my mind, I can imagine that the major reason — shared, by the way, by many citizens — is that the SC was seen as being a co-legislative body without requirements of being 'democratic'. Instead, it was set up as a [i:1yz9hz3a]philosophical[/i:1yz9hz3a] body, which [i:1yz9hz3a]validated[/i:1yz9hz3a] democratic principles regulating our society, and [i:1yz9hz3a]one[/i:1yz9hz3a] of its functions (allegedly one of the fundamental ones) was having the freedom to discuss the reasons [i:1yz9hz3a]why[/i:1yz9hz3a] a specific law was or not was deemed to be fitting to be a valid one under the principles embodied under the Constitution and Founding Documents. Since all cases are different, a [i:1yz9hz3a]literal[/i:1yz9hz3a] reading of [i:1yz9hz3a]most[/i:1yz9hz3a] of the laws would [i:1yz9hz3a]never[/i:1yz9hz3a] suffice to extract the [u:1yz9hz3a]meaning[/u:1yz9hz3a] and the [u:1yz9hz3a]implications[/u:1yz9hz3a] of a specific law, just by restricting it to a blindfolded reasoning using someone else's specific rules for the effect. In other words, the scope of what it means — in [i:1yz9hz3a]the CDS[/i:1yz9hz3a] — to "defend and uphold the Constitution" was [i:1yz9hz3a]narrowed[/i:1yz9hz3a], not [i:1yz9hz3a]expanded[/i:1yz9hz3a] as you claim. Having less things to pronounce upon, and less freedom to express a binding decision, and rules to limit the types of decisions and the form that these have to take to be binding, is, in my opinion, a [i:1yz9hz3a]narrowing of the focus[/i≠.
In essence, the issue that I have with this new[/i:1yz9hz3a] body is the [i:1yz9hz3a]scope[/i:1yz9hz3a] of the procedural detail that is required to "correctly deem a law to be unconstitutional". It means setting up a set of rules that allow a law to be pronounced unconstitutional, if certain prerequisites are not followed. It also means that the only reasons for deeming a law unconstitutional are set [i:1yz9hz3a]beforehand[/i:1yz9hz3a] in a very meticulous and detailed way, and no other reasons (or procedures) can be employed to pronounce a decision. In essence, it means programming an algorithm where a law is dropped, the system is started, and the resulting "constitutional pronouncement" is an "Aye" or "Nay".
Since both the RA and the Judges will have that very same "algorithm", and thus be able to apply it to their own reasoning, they'll find out, in 99% of the cases, that their pronouncements are, indeed, constitutional. All that remains is an exterior validation to catch those 1% of the cases that might have been missed or that failed validation because the "algorithm" was improperly applied. Again, a very narrow focus, strongly checked to that there are not many possible deviations from the norm.
This has [i:1yz9hz3a]hardly[/i:1yz9hz3a] anything to do with the [i:1yz9hz3a]original[/i:1yz9hz3a] SC, which interpreted the [i:1yz9hz3a]philosophy[/i:1yz9hz3a] behind a certain law, and there was no "rational validation" at the forefront of the process, but an ethical/moral one, as well as one based on traditions, common sense, and reasonability. All these are abstract and subjective concepts, most of them emotional ones, and impossible to establish "formally" in any objective way. Thus there was no attempt to hide this fact, and implement it as policy.
Nevertheless, it was clear that many official pronouncements of the SC were quite "rational" — pinpointing inconsistencies here and there based on perceptual value of certain proposed elements in a specific law that were deemed unreasonable when analysed carefully. There was a methodological and systematic approach — but one that often went in circles, not always with absolute agreement, and very often using a "retrograde" approach: "we feel that this law violates the spirit embodied in our Constitution. Let's see why". Thus, this is much more related to a [i:1yz9hz3a]philosophical[/i:1yz9hz3a] approach to gathering of knowledge, when you might have the answer before you know how to formulate the question itself. This naturally does not lead to a model that can be systematically deployed using logical inference or deductive analysis, because it used mostly an [i:1yz9hz3a]intuitive[/i:1yz9hz3a] approach of validation.
If one fails to [i:1yz9hz3a]understand[/i:1yz9hz3a] the process (the [i:1yz9hz3a]unwritten[/i:1yz9hz3a] process!) of deliberation and reaching of conclusions in the SC, it's quite clear that one will also fail to understand why the Scientific Council has been [i:1yz9hz3a]changed[/i:1yz9hz3a] in its functions and role by the new Judiciary Act. I don't expect that people unite behind a common understanding of what the SC was and what it ought to be; neither can I assume that the fundamental difference between the "now" and the "then" are, in essence, [i:1yz9hz3a]philosophical[/i:1yz9hz3a] differences.
However, they have [i:1yz9hz3a]rational[/i:1yz9hz3a] implications. Your generous offer of help to "educate" the members of the SC shows how important the new role of the SC is deemed to be, to the effect that its current qualifications, skills, and knowledge might, indeed, not be adequate to the new roles. I think your implication is quite consistent with my own understanding of the underlying changes: the SC was qualified to do fulfill a [i:1yz9hz3a]different[/i:1yz9hz3a] role in Government than the one that has been approved now. While naturally I agree that getting training for free is very nice, it also shows that the SC is [i:1yz9hz3a]not[/i:1yz9hz3a] qualified, right now, to fulfill that role.
On the other hand, one could argue that having the Chief Judge of the Common Jurisdiction training the very same people that might, one day, place checks over him, is a failure to ensure neutrality and lack of bias. While education is supposed to be "neutral" — in the sense that either you acquire a set of skills, or you don't — the [i:1yz9hz3a]way[/i:1yz9hz3a] this training is done will most certainly bias the recipients to the training towards the teacher.
One might also argue that a SC that requires training (even from an outsider) to fulfill its role is not a good SC. Thus, the very same arguments that you use for a professional Judiciary would also apply to the SC members — who [i:1yz9hz3a]should[/i:1yz9hz3a] be professionals as well, and not simply "trained citizens" serving on a "best effort" case. Again, two answers seem to emerge from this case: either we will have a bad SC, unable to fullfil its role due to a lack of qualifications of its members, and thus we should abolish it and replace it by a new branch where all members are pre-qualified (obviously, the same requirements as for the rest of the Judges will be needed); or the function of the SC is so worthless that it can fulfill it without special qualification — and thus also strengthening the argument that the SC ,as it stands, is indeed worthless since its functions are worthless.
Thus, in conclusion, there are naturally some points I agree with:
1) The SC needs reform.
2) The SC needs procedures.
3) The current SC needs more overview and supervision.
4) The new Judiciary Act requires from the SC new sets of skills that have to be acquired somehow.
which leads me to affirm that the [i:1yz9hz3a]current[/i:1yz9hz3a] SC was not created to be able to perform the functions that you we now require the SC to perform. It is a branch of government that is inadequate to perform any of the tasks that is now being demanded of it to perform. In a way, this is like taking the cash register employees from their places and send them to Accountancy instead, telling them "now we need more accountants to oversee the expenses and the budget. Since you all have been faithful vcash register operators, we're sure you'll addapt ton the new role of accountants quite easily."